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ISSUES OF CONSTRAINT AND POWER: Cindy A. Brantmeier
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This article examines the development of an English Language Center in Estelí, Nicaragua, in 1993. This case study aims to help those involved with the implementation of similar language teaching projects in the developing countries of Latin America. This critical examination reveals the struggles with power and resistance that one faces when implementing a program of its kind. The complexities of the different agendas within the classroom, as well as outside the school, are explored within the parameters of teaching and learning English as a Foreign Language in Nicaragua. This reflection not only explores the pedagogical soundness of the English Language Center, but it also focuses on an awareness of the social, cultural, and political ramifications. While the nature of this article is anecdotal and the situations presented are not necessarily directly representative of other environments, these authentic experiences serve as a guide for the planning and implementation of similar language projects in Latin America. |
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From 1961 to 1979 the FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional), used armed resistance and political organization to fight against the Somoza government. In July of 1979 the Sandinistas ended the revolution by overthrowing Somoza, and in 1984 the Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega won the presidential election. Ortegas direction ended in 1993 when the UNO (Unión Nacional Opositora) won the election with Violeta Barrios de Chamorro as president. At this point the country of Nicaragua suffered a serious economic crisis. The immediate answer to the question of why the city of Estelí requested the creation of an English language center is that the Lions Club (whose policies were anti-Sandinista), with the support of the Mayor of Estelí (pro-Sandinista), wrote a proposal to a grassroots organization, Partners for America, for the creation of a language institute. The State of Wisconsin is a partner with the country of Nicaragua via the 33-year-old National Alliance of the Partners of the Americas (NAPA), a non-political, non-religious volunteer organization that for the last 35 years has remained a viable inter-American force during the years when even the Peace Corps was asked to leave Nicaragua. Stevens Point, Wisconsin, and Estelí, Nicaragua are partner cities and for the last 10 years have worked together in the exchange of cultures, travelers, and a common vision to re-establish a self-sustaining community after the years of war. Since the beginning of the relationship between the two cities, the need for English as a Foreign Language was repeatedly expressed by the teachers, doctors, nurses, forestry technicians, and other members of the community of Estelí. These parties declared that the establishment of an English Language Center would help erase the scars of war in Estelí, a city of 60,000. They felt that this language project would aid in the goal for Estelí to become an economically self-sufficient community. One primary concern lay with members of the medical community, who communicated the need for English to study and do research with the latest materials that were only published in English. According to Maher (1986), in an examination of the development of English as an international language of medicine, the dissemination and exchange of medical information in English has become not only an international but also an intranational phenomenon. There were also several other specific professional domains where English was needed. The business community needed English for growth in the inter-American commercial community; the local forestry technical school, a multinational organization sponsored by the Swedish government, needed English for its study of the latest work in vital areas like reforestation; high school and university students needed English as part of their curriculum to prepare for graduate work in the United States, as the Nicaraguan universities were still reconstructing graduate programs; and, finally, the Nicaraguan teachers of English expressed a desire for teacher-training workshops and regular English classes to improve their English proficiency as the majority of these teachers had never been to an English-speaking nation. All told, the people who wanted to study English were members of the learned communities who were obliged to reach a high level of competence in English to pursue their professional goals. The Estilians saw English as a tool of development, and in this sense, development was viewed as a process that has as its end the goal to increase economic productivity, the wealth of the nation, the level of health or education of the people in short, to increase public welfare (DuBois, 1991). The Nicaraguans expressed great pride in maintaining their own Spanish speaking heritage, but nonetheless articulated the necessity for English as it is (in the mayors words) the "utilitarian world language." The community Lions Club stated, "Estamos seguros del éxito ya que hay mucha demanda de BUENA enseñanza del inglés en la ciudad de Estelí," (We are sure of the success as there is a big demand for good English teaching in Estelí). The community repeatedly expressed the view that to develop and modernize they needed to become English literate; they connected communicating in English to development and modernization and saw an English language center as an investment. This prevailing attitude divides the world into developed and undeveloped nations and further characterizes this distinction as one between modern and traditional (Pennycook, 1994). The Estilians saw English as an investment in the education of the people to speed up the process of progress and modernization. The Stevens Point Partners group stated, "With the use of the English language we will bridge the cultural distances between the worlds of diversity and the homogeneity of our mid-Wisconsin community." With this knowledge of the immense desire and need for English, and the granting of funds from various sources, a search for a director of this English language center began. I was selected to be the director because of multiple qualifications: (1) I had lived in Spanish-speaking countries for two and a half previous years, (2) I was a fluent speaker of Spanish, (3) I was a certified English as a Second Language and Spanish teacher, (4) I had my masters degree in Spanish Language and Literature, and, (5) I had previous administrative experience relevant to the director position. When I was notified of this position, I was a bilingual school teacher in Puebla, Mexico, and I accepted the position because of the intriguing challenge the job offered. I flew to Nicaragua for five days to acquire a basic understanding of the English programs that were being instituted by the Ministry of Education of Nicaragua. Using this knowledge, I was able to devise more detailed and concrete plans about the creation of the center. I visited various community leaders (e.g., the mayor, Nicaraguan teachers of English, high school principals, the directors of the forestry technical institute, the president of the Lions Club) to familiarize myself with the types of materials that I would need to bring down. I, along with another teacher from Wisconsin, pledged the necessary time to create the school with the eventual goal that it would be run by Nicaraguans.
The planning phase of a second language program, according to Johnston and Peterson (1994), represents the setting up of a new program for the first time. Part of setting up this language center in Estelí was researching the background and the need for English in a developing country. Who would implement this language center was another crucial question. According to the program evaluation suggested by McKay (1993), the number one criterion for a successful second language literacy program is that the teachers are qualified. As director, I was a certified ESL teacher and had taught English in Spain and Mexico. In contrast, my volunteer colleague was a conscientious and hardworking ecologist with no previous teaching experience. It was difficult to recruit teachers to pledge time in Nicaragua because of the civil unrest in the northern regions of the country in 1993, in particular the attacks on Estelí in July by re-armed combatants who were frustrated with the lack of employment and the economic crisis. Eventually, following an extensive search, two more teachers from Wisconsin were sent to Estelí after the first successful five months of the program. Both teachers were pursuing their English as a Second Language teacher certification. The administrators in the donor country, the United States, were a committee of high school teachers, university professors, and other volunteers from Wisconsin, along with the Executive Director of Partners for America. The board of administrators from Estelí consisted of local volunteers with no teaching experience, and myself. I refer to the group of administrators as "stakeholders," as this term is used to refer to those individuals and groups who have a vested interest, or stake, in the program (Bryk, 1983). "Programs revolve essentially around the people involved, and as in other professional interactions the key issues include power, responsibility and control of finances and resources" (Johnston & Peterson, 1994). The primary responsibility of the Estelí administrators was to control the finances and make "executive decisions." This group paid the teacher salaries ($100 each month plus room and board) until the center became financially self-sustaining. Then the salaries increased and were paid from the student registrations. The first meeting with the Estelí administrators of the English language center was devoted to a discussion about how and where to begin marketing the new school. This was an eye-opening experience for all. While the teachers insisted that this was not an imperialist project (i.e., that it was a non-political and non-religious language center) the stakeholders from Estelí demanded that we do not recruit students from certain institutions because of their political affiliations and their history with the Sandinistas. We teachers felt frustrated by this policy, as we were all pro-Sandinista. Under the Sandinista government health standards and literacy sharply improved, and Nicaragua came closer to self-sufficiency than any other Central American nation (Chomsky, 1986). Before moving to Nicaragua, we did not fully understand the dichotomous constructs of political identities within Nicaraguan society (i.e., the existing tension between the Sandinistas and the Contras), and we argued that the school was equally open to everyone. Dubois (1991), in his Foucauldian analysis of power relations in development, argues that the devaluation of local knowledge dissociates specific experience (of the problem) from action (the solution), dooming many well-intended development efforts to failure. More critical research on English in the world has shown how it is linked to social and economic power both within and between nations, to the global diffusion of particular forms of culture and knowledge, and to the inequitable structures of international relations (Pennycook, 1994). English was certainly connected to social and economic power in Estelí, as all the men present at our meeting were living in opulent homes, and not one came from the shanty housing projects located on the outskirts of town. Furthermore, all the men concurred that we should not market our classes to the Sandinistas. Given the dominant position of English in the world, we did not want to associate our language power with any particular political position. After much debate, we agreed to hold separate classes for students affiliated with different institutions. The political implications of English language use were evident from the very first administrative meeting, and according to Johnston and Peterson: The stakeholders in a program all have an interest, of one kind or another, in the program; but it would be naive to assume either that these interests all center exclusively around improving the quality of learning of the learners, or that the interests coincide at all. (p. 71)
When we confronted this fact at the first executive gathering, we certainly understood that the goals of the teachers and the administrators were not one and the same. The teachers were interested in teaching English to all learners, and the stakeholders were mainly concerned with maintaining their political identity. The next step in the planning stage was to recruit students. All interested community members filled out applications, and, interestingly enough, one of the questions on the form was, "where do you currently work?" This question was a trap that eliminated students with political affiliations which ran counter to the stakeholders interests. We had over 300 students apply, and the administrators concluded that it was their decision to choose who could attend. We gave placement tests to the selected applicants, and we set the date to hold our first class sessions with a total student population of 176. (Thus, nearly half of the applicants were rejected- for reasons not explained to the teachers.) Much to our anxiety, resistance and opposition to English were articulated by various unidentified members of the community. One day as we were busily organizing the schedules of classes, I received an anonymous telephone call telling me, "No hay que dar clases de inglés!" (Do not teach English!). The caller also stated, "Algo horrible te va a pasar si siguen con los planes del instituto de inglés. Aquí en Nicaragua no necesitamos el inglés" (Something horrible will happen to you if you continue the plans for the English institute. Here in Nicaragua we do not need English). Theories of opposition to English are explored by Escobar (1985) and in his analysis of the discourse of development he argues, "The teaching of English has been successful to the extent that it has been able to penetrate, integrate, manage, and control countries and populations in increasingly detailed and encompassing ways" (p. 388). Feelings of subjugation and domination were indirectly stated in the phone call, and some Nicaraguans obviously felt the need to dismantle the power of English. My first reaction to this disturbing call was to ask myself why we were there. As I looked around and saw children without shoes and shirts, houses without running water and electricity, buildings with scattered bullet holes, unpaved roads, and other signs of conflict and struggle, I questioned the need for English. One particular shoeless child held out his hand and said to me, "Dollars?" I struggled with this inner interrogation for days, as I, too, understood why the export of English from the USA was not wanted by all Nicaraguans. The Estelí administrators advised us that the phone call was an attempt by Marxists to scare us away, and they arranged for the local police to guard the school for the first days of class. They agreed that we should continue with our opening day plan and not be intimidated by the resistance. The police protection proposed by the Estelí committee was not enough in the eyes of the administrators in Wisconsin. As a program framework for the evaluation of second language programs by Johnston and Peterson (1994) reveals, there are usually "higher authorities to whom the administrator is responsible; these authorities control the program in terms of finances or policy or both" (p. 71). The controlling authorities from Wisconsin ordered us to postpone the opening day of the language school until we received approval from the U.S. Embassy department of defense. They claimed that the phone call, or in their words the "opposition," was a threat to our lives, and that we needed to leave Estelí and go to Managua to the embassy immediately. Once at the embassy, we were asked to sign a release form for the sponsoring organization releasing it from all responsibility involving health and safety related to the opening and operation of the English Language Center. Reluctantly we signed the release forms, and we were told to draw detailed maps showing the routes of our walks to the English center and the places we lived. The Embassy informed us that if we were in any danger that they would be responsible for locating us and getting us out of the city. With these words of encouragement, my colleague and I took the next bus back to the North. It was clear that the hierarchal power relations between the stakeholders, controlling authorities and teachers were becoming more evident. We were cognizant that we were the ones overseeing and implementing the daily operation of the English Language Center, but that most aspects of this project were largely in the hands of the controlling authorities. The authorities from the North overrode the opinion of the Estelí administrators, and ultimately, we had no power in the major decisions regarding the opening of the center. The opinions of the students were not even considered in any of this decision making process.
After the postponement of the opening day of the language center, we were certainly ready to begin teaching, and our first day was filled with many surprises. In one of the basic level adult classes, we realized that some of our pedagogical methods had weak theoretical foundations because they did not take into consideration the fact that some students may not be literate in their native language. We assumed that because the majority of students were professionals, that they would be Spanish literate, but this was not the case for professionals such as firemen and bus owners. Based on pedagogical grounds we decided that English would be the only acceptable medium of communication within the classroom, and we even put up signs that read, "English Only, Please." Not only did this prove frustrating for the illiterate students, but we felt as if we teachers had all the power in the confining classrooms of adults. We did not feel comfortable, as our adult students were made to feel powerless. After the first week, we reexamined our "English Only" rule and decided to dismiss this tool of domination. As Auerbach argues, "First language (L1) and/or bilingual options are not only effective but necessary for adult ESL students with limited L1 literacy or schooling, and use of students linguistic resources can be beneficial at all levels of ESL" n (p. 9). After months of teaching all levels of English, we realized that our unconsciously accepted practice of "English Only" in the classroom maintained existing power relations, an agenda that we did not want to . perpetuate. Furthermore, throughout the course of time we found that if we used Spanish in the ESL classroom, the students felt more confident and in control of their learning. One adult directly stated, "Now I (sic) not feel intimidated in the class of English because I can speak Spanish too." This statement clearly revealed the role of power in the ESL classroom and how necessary it was to see L1 as a resource rather than an obstacle. Auerbach (1993) also demonstrates that the use of L1 in the classroom reduces anxiety and enhances the affective environment for learning; it facilitates incorporation of the learners life experiences, and allows for learner-centered curriculum development. Most importantly, "It allows for language to be used as a meaning-making tool and for language learning to become a means of communicating ideas rather than an end in itself" (p. 20). According to Read and Mackay (1984), a characteristic of a successful second language literacy program is that the program is flexible in that the learners have a say in the design of the program. We listened to our students suggestions with regard to the "English Only" rule, and we found that the students contributions and suggestions were just as important as our own expertise. After two months of operation, we had over 200 students enrolled in English classes, and we began a search for an additional teacher for the faculty. Because of the overblown media coverage in the United States of the counter-revolution in the Northern regions of Nicaragua, we could not recruit any teachers from Wisconsin. We reconsidered the practice of only recruiting native English speakers for the first year of the project, and we questioned the administrations pedagogical theories regarding this issue. The Nicaraguan stakeholders insisted that we only hire teachers from the United States; they felt that the center would lose popularity and marketability if we hired local Nicaraguan teachers. In the end we convinced them that if we drew upon the Estilian community, we would strengthen our program with the expertise of a Nicaraguan. We recruited a man who had lived in Los Angeles for seven years, and whose English was exceptional. In the beginning we hired him as an aide and cultural resource, but after much teacher training and observations of our classes, he began teaching his own classes. Auerbach (1993) indicates that "credentialed ESL/bilingual educators and community based bilingual educators can work together through a process of mutual training to share their knowledge, establish partnerships, and learn from each others experiences" (p. 30). Phillipsons (1992) research on the native speaker ideal for ESL demonstrates that non-native teachers of ESL may be better qualified than native speakers, if they have gone through the "complex process of acquiring English as a second or foreign language, have insight into the linguistic and cultural needs of their learners, a detailed awareness of how mother tongue and target language differ and what is difficult for learners, and first-hand experience of using a second or foreign language" (p. 14). Having the same linguistic and cultural background as the Estelí students, our Nicaraguan teacher helped us break the dominant pedagogical paradigm, and eventually after we native speaker teachers left the country, our Nicaraguan teacher became the director of the center. Our best laid plans were put to the test again when the government began regulating electricity for the country. Before implementing the project, we had planned and prepared for the fact that we would not have access to a wide range of teaching aids and technologies, but we took for granted that we would have electric power and lights to hold our class sessions at night. When the government shut off electric power for three hours a night every other day, we had to rearrange our teaching schedules, and we actually taught some classes by candlelight. Likewise, we were not prepared for other outside pressures, such as the change in seasons. When the tropical rainy season started, we had to remain in our homes for days because of the flooding and because of the illnesses that spread as fast as the rain poured down. Our assumptions and expectations about the surroundings were wrong, and we were forced to cope with the unplanned happenings, whether they were political, cultural, or environmental.
Throughout this examination I have portrayed some social, cultural, and political complexities of power involved in the planning and implementation of an English Language Center in Estelí, Nicaragua. There are certainly many issues related to the power and prestige of English in Nicaragua, but one particular outcome of this center that contributed to its prestige was the profit margin. Through the eyes of the Nicaraguan administrators, English was seen as an industry, as our profits were often compared to those of the other local businesses. We were serving only those who could afford our classes; we were perpetuating the existing power structure in Nicaragua. Yorio (1986) claims that second language programs can be viewed within a marketing framework. It was clear that we supplied the service (teaching English) which the consumers needed. Our students paid for our product (English proficiency), and corporate decisions were made based on the production of our service which we marketed to those who could afford it. This was a money making industry over which the stakeholders in Estelí had full control. One common goal among all administrators involved was that the center would eventually be financially self-sufficient with the employment of Nicaraguan teachers. It was not a common goal that this English Language Center would become a money making business where the profits were shared by the controlling authorities of Estelí, but this is what eventually happened. The irony of this situation is that in many projects in developing countries of Latin America the aid from the "North" is a business investment masked by the "developers" to look like a benefit. But, in this particular case, the development aid was also an industry for local elites to gain more money and prestige. From the perspective of the teachers involved, this English language center was a success as higher levels of performance were achieved in English, and many students scored above a 550 on the international TOEFL examination. In addition, some students are currently seeking graduate degrees in the United States and have plans to return to Nicaragua when they are finished. One of these students received a scholarsh$ from the U.S. Embassy and is pursuing his Masters degree in Agribusiness Economics. He states: El Instituto de Inglés fue el canal para que en Estelí pudiera tener acceso al programa de becas. La recomendación de la Directora del Instituto de Inglés sobre mis aptitudes fue una referencia muy significativa para la desición del organismo becador. Finalmente, el Instituto de Inglés contribuyó a que lograra un rápido aprendizaje del idioma ya que practicamente fue ahi que comencé a estudiarlo, además el centro ayudó que iniciara a conocer la cultura, las costumbres y el sistema en los Estados Unidos. Practicamente el Instituto de Inglés fue mi primer contacto con este país. The English Institute was the canal in Estelí to obtain access to scholarship programs. The recommendation written by the director of the English Institute about my abilities was a very significant reference for the scholarship committee. Finally, the English Institute helped me achieve a fast acquisition of English, as I had never studied English before. Also, the center helped me know the culture, the customs and the system of the United States. Practically, the English Institute was my first contact with the United States.
Sin duda que lo que aprendí con el Instituto de Inglés fue la llave del éxito para alcanzar la beca que tengo. Yo considero que sin el Insituto de Inglés no hubiera sido posible ganar la beca y venir a estudiar a los Estados Unidos. Cuando termino (sic) mi maestria pienso regresar a Nicaragua, ya que el objetivo principal de este progama es la formación de recursos humanos, para contribuir en el desarrollo económico de Nicaragua. Pienso que a mi regreso encontraré muchas oportunidades para aplicar lo que estoy aprendiendo aquí en los Estados. Yo me siento muy agredecido por el apoyo del Instituto de Inglés, ya que aprender inglés es algo más que aprender un simple idioma,es la via para aprender acerca de otros paises, su gente, su cultura, y es un puente de comunicación. Without a doubt, what I learned at the English Institute was the key to my success in receiving the scholarship that I have. I think that without the English Institute it would not have been possible for me to come to the United States. When I finish my masters, I will return to Nicaragua with the principal objective to develop human resource programs and to contribute to the economic development of Nicaragua. I think that when I return I will find many opportunities to apply what I have learned in the United States. I feel very grateful for the support of the English Institute, as learning English is more than a simple language, it is the way to learn about other countries, the people, the culture, and it is the bridge of communication.
As an educator, I continue to struggle with the full effects of this project. Was this English language center in Estelí really a development project, or did it serve to engender power relations in the community? Is English an agent of change, progress and modernization, or is English a tool used to help constitute strategies of domination? My critical reflection on these issues reveals conflicting agendas within the sociopolitical arena, and in viewing the English language center from this perspective, I contend that this project sustained the social hierarchy and advantaged elites in the society. I end this evaluation with a bilingual poem that one of my adult students wrote before I left. It demonstrates the complexities of the power of English in Nicaragua: Amigos en el Progreso Qué linda va a ser Nicaragua (Anónimo, 1993) Friends in Progress How beautiful Nicaragua will be (Anonymous, 1993)
Auerbach, E. R. 1993. Reexamining English only in the ESL classroom. TESOL Quarterly 27(1), 9-33. [Return] Bryk, A. S., ed. 1983. Stakeholder-based evaluation. San Francisco: Josey-Bass. [Return] Chomsky, N. 1986. What Uncle Sam really wants. Berkeley, CA: Odonian Press. [Return] DuBois, M. 1991. The governance of the third world: A Foucauldian perspective on power relations in development. Alternatives X 16(1), 1-30. [Return] Escobar, A. 1984. Discourse and power in development: Michel Foucault and the relevance of his work to the third world. Alternatives X 10(3), 377-400. [Return] Johnston, B. & Peterson, S. 1994. The program matrix: A conceptual framework for language programs. System 22(1), 63-80. [Return] Maher, J. 1986. The development of English as an international language of medicine. Applied Linguistics 7 (2), 206-18. [Return] McKay, S. L. 1993. Agendas for second language literacy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Return] Pennycook, A. 1994. The cultural politics of English as an international language. London: Longman. [Return] Phillipson, R. 1992. ELT: the native speakers burden? ELT Journal 46(1), 13-19. [Return] Read, C., & Mackay, R. 1984. Illiteracy among adult immigrants in Canada. Pamphlet Number 291875. Educational Resource Information Center. [Return] Yorio, C. 1986. Consumerism in second language teaching and learning. Canadian Modern Language Review, 42 (3): 668-87. [Return] The author wishes to thank Bill Johnston, Carlos Ovando, Matthew O. Hunt and her brother, Ed Brantmeier, for their helpful contributions to earlier drafts of this article. |
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