Bilingual
Research Journal
Fall 2000 Volume
24 Number 4
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The Role of Heritage Language in Social Interactions and Relationships: Reflections from a Language Minority Group Grace Cho Abstract This article examines the experiences of one language minority group in regard to the effects of their home or "heritage" language (HL) competence. The results indicated that competence with one's HL has an effect on social interactions, relationships with HL speakers of their ethnic minority group, and the individuals themselves. Having developed one's HL, in addition to English, has a number of sociocultural advantages, as well as personal and societal benefits. Those who have developed their HL have a strong ethnic identity, are strongly connected to their ethnic group, and have greater understanding and knowledge of cultural values, ethics, and manners; this further enhances their interactions with HL speakers. Moreover, HL development is shown to provide a personal gain, eventually contributing positively to the betterment of the society. The results are discussed here, and implications are presented for heritage language education.
A heritage language (HL) is the language associated with one's cultural background. Studies have long recognized that maintaining one's HL, in addition to English proficiency, is beneficial. More specifically, developing the HL of ethnic minorities, in addition to English, has been shown to have cognitive, social, and cultural benefits (Garcia, 1985; Hakuta & Diaz, 1985; Krashen, 1998; Peal & Lambert, 1962). Research has shown that HL development can be an important part of identity formation and can help one retain a strong sense of identity to one's own ethnic group (Cho, Cho, & Tse, 1997; Feuerverger, 1991; Tse, 1996). Developing one's HL, in addition to English, has a number of sociocultural advantages, as well as personal and societal benefits. Those who have developed their HL have greater understanding and knowledge of cultural values, ethics, and manners; this further enhances their interactions with HL speakers. Moreover, HL development has been shown to contribute positively to the betterment of the society. Despite these benefits, there are consistent findings that show that HLs are typically not maintained and are rarely developed among ethnic minority group members. As evidence of the fact that HL development is difficult to maintain, many studies show that language shift to the dominant language of the country is powerful and rapid. Fishman (1991) has documented the steady move to the dominant language across a number of language communities, and Wong Fillmore (1991) has documented language shift to English in the United States. In general, language minority individuals are shifting to the dominant language and, at the same time, losing their HL with remarkable speed. The transition is generally completed within a few generations (Krashen, 1996; Veltman, 1983). The shift to the dominant language is also noted in research on Korean Americans. Korean Americans are one of the most rapidly growing ethnic groups in the United States. According to U.S. Census data in 1990, the estimated population of Americans of Korean ancestry was approximately 790,000, of which 142,000 were born in the United States and 654,000 were immigrants. In California alone, the Korean population is 251,981, which represents an increase of 153% since 1980 (Hing & Lee, 1996). In addition, Korean immigration has increased rapidly, from 271,956 in 1980 to 338,800 in 1990, representing an increase of 24.6%, and it is expected to continue to grow. Korean American adults have been actively involved in the maintenance and development of their HL. This involvement stems from a concern for passing on to future generations the essence of Korean cultural heritage. Kim, Sawdey, and Meihoefer's (1980) research shows that Korean parents have a strong desire for their children to retain Korean cultural traits while, at the same time, adopting American cultural traits. As such, Korean parents have established ethnic schools, ethnic associations, newspapers, and professional organizations to promote culture and language (Geer, 1981). In addition, Korean immigrants in America, being predominantly latecomers, are largely a Korean-speaking group and the language spoken at home is Korean (Kim, Lee, & Kim, 1981). Kim et al. (1981) reported that 99% of the Koreans living in Los Angeles' Koreatown, New York, and San Francisco use Korean as their primary language. Despite the above mentioned factors that help retard or prevent English from replacing the HL, a language shift to the dominant language is evident in Korean immigrant families (Cho & Krashen, 1998; Kim et al., 1981). A statistical analysis of 1990 U.S. Census data supports the fact that language shift in the second generation of Korean Americans is high (Hing & Lee, 1996). Language shift to the dominant language is evident, yet the HL still plays an intricate role in the lives of Korean Americans. Research has shown that the first-generation adults tend to maintain and preserve their language and ethnic culture, while the second generation consciously succeeds in a partial assimilation into the dominant culture. However, since Korean Americans, due to racial differences, cannot be completely assimilated into American society like European immigrants, they come back to search for the language of their parents as well as their lost identity (Kim et al., 1980). However, little empirical information is available on the effects of HL maintenance or loss among language minority groups. No previous research has explored or compared the consequences of those Korean Americans who have or have not developed their HL. As such, this study examined the effects of having or not having HL competence in second-generation Korean American adults. Specifically, this study revealed the ways in which HL competence played a role in social interactions and relationships with second-generation Korean Americans. In this way, this study provides a unique outlook on HL development, based on the perspectives of adult Korean Americans. The findings of this study can be used to argue for the importance of maintaining one's heritage language, from a personal, cultural, and societal perspective.
A total of 114 participants were included in the analysis; 98 participants filled out a questionnaire and 16 participated in in-depth interviews. Of these 114 participants, there were 72 females and 42 males, of whom 55 second-generation Korean Americans were born in the United States and 59 came to the United States at an early age (M = 2.02 years, SD = 2.42). The ages of the participants were limited to adults between the ages of 18 and 35 (M = 21.07 years old, SD = 3.07) (see Table 1). The criterion of second generation was broadened by including Korean American adults who immigrated to the United States before school age, in addition to those who were born in the United States; as such, they all grew up and began their formal education in this country. The participants were recruited through Korean language classes, Korean churches, and personal acquaintances. Sixteen second-generation Korean American adults participated in the in-depth semi-structured interviews, which were used to determine the experiences and perceptions of these participants (Patton, 1987) in regard to their language and family backgrounds, as well as their social relationships in which HL played a role. The interview questions concerned personal background, language use in the family, attitude toward the HL, and personal experiences using the HL outside the family. Although the main questions were used to organize the interviews, the participants were encouraged to elaborate on their thoughts as freely as possible. The participants included both women and men, those who had experienced and had not experienced learning the HL, and those who lived in both Korean and non-Korean neighborhoods. A questionnaire was distributed to all second-generation Korean American students enrolled in beginning through advanced level Korean language courses at a private language program and at a university. The interview data and the responses to the two open-ended questions from the questionnaire were examined in regard to the effects of having or not having developed one's HL among Korean American adults. Using qualitative analysis procedures (Strauss & Corbin, 1990), both the interview transcripts and the open-ended part of the questionnaire were coded and categorized, allowing several themes to emerge. Table 1
(N = 114)
Table 2
Note: C = College; P = Post College
This study compared one group of participants who had "strong HL competence" to another group who had "weak or no HL competence" in a self-assessed HL proficiency measure (see Table 2). These assessments were made by asking participants to rate their own levels of HL ability in speaking, listening, reading, writing, and overall skills on a Likert-type scale (1 = very poor, 2 = poor, 3 = average, 4 = good, 5 = very good).
The results indicated that HL played an important role in which HL competence affected individuals and their social interactions and relationships with second-generation Korean Americans. There were a number of sociocultural advantages as well as personal and societal benefits in developing one's HL as discussed below. Sociocultural Advantages Better relationships with heritage language speakers The findings showed that HL development positively affects interactions and social relationships with HL speakers. Those who developed their HL had a strong ethnic identity, further enhancing their interactions with HL speakers. Those who had "strong HL competence" had a strong sense of who they were (i.e., being proud of their culture and ethnicity), were strongly connected to their ethnic group (i.e., had strong group membership, had no fear or avoidance of HL speakers), and had greater understanding and knowledge of cultural values, ethics, and manners. These factors enabled them to have better relationships with HL speakers, both in and outside the HL community. Yuri shared that her strong HL competence made her have a positive attitude toward her language and culture:
Albert said that his Korean proficiency helped him not only to overcome his identity crisis but also to interact with Korean international students during his college years:
Knowing one's HL helps one to understand one's ethnic culture, allowing one to participate freely in cultural events or activities. Su Mi shared that, because of her fluent Korean skills, she was able to watch Korean videos and soap operas with her parents and also played traditional Korean games such as "Yut" during holiday seasons. Similarly, Hae Jin was able to participate in reading and watching Korean television programs and expressed having strong emotional bonds with her culture and with HL speakers:
In addition, she was able to use her parents to further gain cultural knowledge and learn nuances of the Korean language that need to be understood in certain situations:
Yuri could actively participate in church activities:
Further, Albert felt that he would have no problem associating with Koreans in Korea because of his high HL proficiency (note, however, his limitations):
Sociocultural Disadvantages of Not Having Developed One's Heritage Language Difficulties interacting with the heritage language community Loss of the HL interfered with interactions outside the immediate family. The "weak HL competence" group was more reticent to interact with Korean speakers than the HL fluent Korean Americans and participated less in cultural activities and events. Some strictly avoided contact with Koreans. Some participants reported a feeling of isolation and exclusion from members of their own ethnic group. Sandy commented on problems with family acquaintances and people in the neighborhood where the HL is spoken:
Su Mi shared how her sister also feared and avoided answering phone calls because of her weak Korean:
Kris reported the following incident:
Sandy works in a company that employs a number of fluent Korean speakers:
Sonia reported that,
Difficulties interacting with heritage language speakers outside the United States Another frustration for those with "weak HL competence" occurs when dealing with native Koreans in the home country. Those who have lost even some ability in the HL, or who have not developed high levels of competence, face special problems when visiting the country where the language is spoken, especially when they look like native speakers. Cami had tremendous difficulties when her aunt called from Korea. "She never spoke to me before and we only exchanged three sentences and her final words were, `Why don't you learn to speak Korean?'" Yuri, when she was traveling in Korea, was yelled at by a taxi driver:
Lisa experienced strong rejection from HL speakers, while living in Los Angeles and also while visiting her homeland:
She added,
Another participant, Elsa, shared her sincere wish to develop her HL:
One's frustrations and conflicts with the Korean community may not be related only to HL speaking ability. However, as seen in the above cases, having one's HL developed may facilitate understanding more about the culture and about individuals. This, in turn, helps to minimize conflicts and frustrations. As presented in Table 3, there were five respondents in the "weak HL" group and 11 in the "strong HL" group who specifically mentioned having no conflict with family or with HL speakers. However, the meaning of having "no conflict" differed between the two groups. For all 11 participants from the "strong HL" group, "no conflict" meant having no problem in basic communication in Korean, whereas for the "weak HL" group, it meant having no conflict because they totally avoided contact with HL speakers. Table 3
(N = 114)
Dave, who rated himself "strong" on HL stated that, "I have no problems with communication because I can speak and understand well." Similarly, June, a fluent HL speaker, stated that having developed her HL did not cause any conflict in socializing with others:
In comparison, Amy, who rated herself as "poor" on HL, stated that she did not have any conflict because she could avoid contact with Koreans. Therefore, she could avoid speaking in Korean:
Carol shared how her inability to speak Korean fluently was not a hindrance in school, but was a problem at home:
Similarly, Lisa said that not having developed Korean does not affect her much now, since she is living in a community where there are no Koreans. However, she confessed that she had a different reaction while living in Los Angeles and that she would have benefited from having better HL competence:
The findings also indicated that, even though the participants were born or raised in the United States, many claimed their HL is an integral part of their Korean identity. Evelyn, age 17 and born in the United States, wrote "When I raise my future children, I want them to be able to speak Korean. I see too many second-generation children who only speak English." Lisa, despite her limited HL competence, asserted that she would support her children in developing their HL:
Lisa shared how she finally realized the need to learn her HL; however, she is more closely identified with Asian Americans who, similar to her, were not fluent in their HL, rather than identifying with Koreans:
Those who had "weak HL competence" suffered far more than those who had "strong HL competence." The "weak HL competence" group was more reticent than the fluent Korean Americans, participated less in cultural events and activities, and avoided contact with Koreans. These results indicate that ethnic minority individuals may benefit f rom HL development. Personal and Societal Benefits In addition to the HL being a tool needed to communicate and socialize with one's family and with others, HL development provided a personal gain, eventually contributing positively to the betterment of the society. Professional advantages In addition to wanting to communicate with family, friends, and community, and a desire to hold on to one's Korean heritage, a number of the respondents mentioned the career benefits of being bilingual as a reason for their desire to acquire the HL. Those interested in working with the Korean community especially believed that Korean proficiency would help them in their work, as well as give them more legitimacy. Being fluent enough to translate or interpret for others spurred participants' HL development as well as their cultural knowledge. Having developed one's HL was also shown to provide advantages for individuals when interacting with the community, such as knowing the Korean language provided, for some, the freedom to express their feelings and thoughts to HL speakers at any given moment; and knowing their HL allowed them to serve the community. For some, their ability helped them in translating and interpreting for others who were not fluent in English. Luke, 20, wrote that, in addition to wanting to be closer to the Korean community, he is developing his Korean so that he can "become more marketable in the business community." Christine shared a similar thought:
Ralph also wanted to improve his Korean for career-related reasons. "I intend to have a large number of Korean clients in the future, and fluency in Korean is obviously an essential part of that." Jessica experienced the need to know her HL when she applied for an internship:
Ana stated that, "It's embarrassing for people to say to me, `You are a Korean and you don't speak Korean?' I hate that! Plus, I want to become a dentist and would like to be able to converse with my Korean patients." Jeannine, 17, is the president of a Korean American student association and feels that "it would look really bad if the president didn't know how to speak Korean." Jack, 28, also felt this way and stated that "I am interested in working with Korean families and thus it is vital for me to improve my Korean language skills." Some participants mentioned personal benefits of having developed one's HL. Tammy, who has "weak HL proficiency," mentioned that she participates in Korean beauty pageants. However, she feels at a substantial disadvantage during the interview portions of the competitions because of her limited HL ability. Another respondent, Jasmine, feels that having maintained her HL would have helped in her cognitive development:
A resource for society The degree to which HL development is supported or opposed will vary depending on how one views the value of language diversity. While some laud it as a resource, others see it a serious problem. Those who see language diversity as a problem would view multilingualism and cultural diversity as a weakness to be overcome rather than as one of the country's greatest strengths (Ruiz, 1988). However, our findings support the latter point of view. Albert, a fluent speaker, tried to convince his friends that not maintaining Korean language was a waste of resources:
Tim wanted to develop HL for his own benefit and also to contribute to society:
Having developed one's HL was shown to have an additional gain for an individual as well as for the society. Some of the fluent HL speakers were able to translate and interpret for others who were not fluent in English. Similar to Tse's (1997) research, our participants found that "brokering," an act of interpreting or translating a language for another, provided positive results for the individual as well as for the society (see also McQuillan & Tse, 1995). Those who brokered established a trusting relationship with their parents through the process of "brokering." Yuri, who used to translate for her parents, shared how her father feels more comfortable when she accompanies him when he has to deal with non-Korean speakers. She shared, "If we go to the bank, my dad takes me with him so he feels comfortable in feeling that he is not, you know, being misunderstood. Usually he can stand on his own, but he likes to take me." Similarly, Su Mi was able to translate for her parents and they "depended on me a lot." Besides being a source of emotional support, she was also able to be a moderator between her sister and her parents who were struggling to communicate with one another. She shared that "My parents trusted in all of my judgments." Aside from the above benefits, some respondents also reported that being fluent enough to translate English into Korean spurred one's HL development as well as the cultural knowledge. Hae Jin shared that, "My mom started learning English at the same time I was learning Korean, but she would make me translate things for her. . . . I realized practicing the translation really helped me to maintain the Korean language even more." Su Mi provided a specific example that showed that "brokering" helped her expand her vocabulary and maintain her HL. "I explain the easy way in Korean and they [my parents] supply the key word. That's how I gained Korean vocabulary." Both Hae Jin's and Su Mi's cases showed that brokering helped them to maintain the HL. Su Mi's case demonstrates the important role of brokering in maintaining and developing one's HL. Su Mi lived in the same conditions as her sister (i.e., attended HL class, parents spoke in Korean at home, came to the United States at an early age), yet, she maintained her HL while her sister did not. The only difference was that Su Mi took the responsibility of brokering for her parents. In conclusion, having developed one's HL, in addition to English, is an "additive" form of bilingualism, as Lambert (1977) has discussed. It is additive in the sense that the HL is being added to children's language repertory at no cost to their English proficiency. Having developed one's HL positively affects interactions and relationships with parents, relatives, and HL speakers. Moreover, HL acquisition plays an important part in the personal, social, and intellectual life of those who are proficient in their HL. Understanding the experiences of language minority groups will provide practical information to educators, immigrant parents, and new generation immigrants on the factors that are involved in HL maintenance and development and the impact on adjustment to the mainstream society, as well as within the family and ethnic community.
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